RESEARCH HORIZONS

Magazine 2017

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

BALINESE REFLEXIVES

I Ketut Tika

ABSTRACT

This paper is aimed at describing the forms of Balinese reflexives and their syntactic distributions in

sentences, especially the Balinese reflexive pronouns. It is also concerned with the intensifier which is

taken by the reflexive pronoun so that it will not be ambiguous. The result of the analysis shows that there

are two kinds of Balinese reflexives, namely: simple and complex forms. Simple forms are , awak, raga,

dewek, and iba. The complex forms are awake, awakne, raganne, deweke, dewekne and ibane. In terms

of their syntactic distribution, the reflexives may take positions either in subjects or in objects

(complements).

Keyword : form, object, reflexive, subject, syntax

. Introduction

Reflexive constructions are a means that languages have for structuring clauses whose subject and object refer

to the same entity and their operations decrease the semantic valence of clauses making one entity fulfill two

grammatical relations (Payne, 1977).

This paper talks about the Balinese reflexives. They are typologically interesting in two respects. First, they are

historically derived from common nouns meaning ‘body’. Second, they all have different forms representing the

three registers of the Balinese speech levels; low, middle, and high form. They are even typologically unusual

in that they have distinguishable forms. That is, the morphological simple reflexives refer to any person antecedent;

the morphologically complex reflexives with definite suffix refer only to second person; and the morphological

reflexives with possessive suffix refer only to third person reflexives. So, the purpose of this paper then is to

describe the forms of the Balinese reflexives and their distributions. Before embarking on the topic, Section 1

addresses the typology of reflexives. Section 2 is an overview of Balinese dialects along with their respective

pronouns. Section 3 presents the morphosyntax of the Balinese reflexives, and Section 4 talks about the

syntactic distribution of the Balinese reflexive pronouns; Section 5 deals with intensifiers that is taken by reflexive

pronoun to avoid ambiguity. Section 6 talks about the comparison of Balinese reflexives with those of other

languages having speech levels; and Section 7 is the conclusion.

. Typology of Reflexives

Typologically, reflexives can be divided into lexical reflexives, morphological reflexives, and analytic reflexives

Payne, 1997; Geniusine, 1987). Consider the following sentences which are taken from Payne (1997). (1a) is

(

understood as belonging to lexical reflexive because the agent and the patient are the same entity. In (1b), the

Russian reflexive -sja is a morphological reflexive as it is bound to the verb umivat ‘wash’. And in (1c), the

English reflexive pronoun herself is categorized as a syntactic reflexive as it constitutes a separate entity not

bound to a verb or a pronoun.

John

shaved

Natasha

Name

Natasha

Jane

umivat-sja

verb

washed (herself)

likes

herself

3. Balinese Dialect

Balinese, which belongs to the sub-group of western Austronesian, is spoken by around three million speakers,

mainly on the island of Bali and the neighboring island of Nusa Penida, but also in the western part of Lombok

Island and in transmigration areas in other parts of Indonesia such as Sumatera and Sulawesi (Arka, 2003).

(73)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

Historically speaking, it has been widely acknowledged that Balinese which is mostly spoken by the Balinese

living on the island of Bali is very much influenced by Javanese, the language spoken in the neighboring island

of Java which is well-known for its speech level. (Sidakarya, 1995). This can be put into evidence in two

respects. First, most of the Javanese during the Majapahit kingdom, upon the expansion of Islam, fled to Bali

and they brought with them their culture and, of course, their language, the caste system, etc. Second, another

piece of evidence is that the original Balinese called Mountain Balinese, which has a small number of speakers,

on the other hand, does not have speech level.

Like Javanese, Balinese has developed a linguistic reflection of social stratification (Levinson, 1983). Javanese

uses three speech levels, distinguished by choice of vocabulary. The primary distinction is between Kromo, a

high form used when speaking to social superiors, and Ngoko, a low or neutral form used when speaking to

social equals or inferiors. Further subdivisions are recognized within Kromo, and in addition a small number of

words called Madya (Middle) contain elements of both Kromo and Ngoko styles. Similarly Balinese also has

three speech levels. A high form is called Singgih, a low form is called Sor. The middle form is also called

Madya which also has a very limited number of vocabulary. Thus in Balinese there are three different words, for

example, to express third person as seen in (2)

(2)

Ida

Ipun, dane

(high register)

(middle register)

(low register)

.1 Lowland Balinese Pronoun

As noted above, Lowland Balinese has speech levels. The levels which consist of high, middle and low are

also reflected in its pronouns. That is, almost all the pronouns, first person, second person, and third person

can be divided into high, middle, and low registers.

Table 1 Lowland Balinese Pronoun

Table 1 shows that Balinese pronouns consist of two sets. The first set shows pure free pronouns while the

second set indicates the free pronouns which are derived from common nouns meaning ‘body’. The latter can

also be used to express reflexives as seen in Section 4

.2 Mountain Balinese Pronoun

Unlike Lowland Balinese, Mountain Balinese does not have speech levels. Consequently, it does not have the

distinction of lexical items which belong to high, middle, and low registers. As shown in Table 2, all the free

pronouns that it has are categorized as low register in comparison with those of Lowland Balinese and it has

only one form of reflexive pronoun which is expressed by iban(ane). Another difference between Mountain and

Lowland Balinese is that the form iba in Mountain Balinese never serves as a free pronoun but in Lowland

Balinese it can.

(74)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

Table 2 Mountain Balinese Pronoun

The following are some examples of the reflexive constructions in Mountain Balinese. Iban ‘self’ in (3a) is simple

reflexive while ibannane ‘self 3POSS’ in (3b) is complex reflexive. Iban can refer to all antecedents but ibanane

can refer only to third person antecedents.

ngematiang

AV dead-CAUSE

Killed

ibanne

self

himself

‘

(S)he

Anak-e ento

person-DEF that

Nusuk

AVstab

Stabbed

iban-nane

self.-3POSS

himself

. Morphosyntax of Balinese Reflexives

Balinese has morphologically simple reflexives such as awak, iba, raga, and dewek and morphologically

complex reflexives such as awake, awakne, ragane, raganne, and dewekne. Note that there are two morphemes

bound to the stems that constitute simple reflexives. They are either definite morpheme –(n)e as in awak-e; or

the 3POSS morpheme –(n)ne as in ragan-ne and awak-ne. Both of them (morphological simple and complex

reflexives) are categorized as analytic reflexives, and they occupy the object position in (transitive) clauses and

they must have antecedent in a clause in which they occur. Thus, the reflexive element and its antecedent co-

occur in a clause. Their co-occurrence reflects reflexive-antecedent relations. Free pronouns, on the other

hand, are not supposed to have their antecedents in the clauses in which they are found. Thus their co-

occurrence in a clause does not qualify for reflexivization. The same is true for noun phrases. If two noun

phrases co-occur, the clauses in which they co-occur are not interpreted as reflexive constructions. In (4a) and

(

4b) ia ‘(s)he’ and cicinge ento ‘that dog’ co-occur in their respective clauses. Consequently (4a) and (4b) are

not reflexive constructions leading to the interpretation that ia and ia in (4a) and cicingeento and cicingeento in

4b) are two different entities. However the fact that the reflexive pronoun awakne in (4c) and iba in (4d) co-

(

occur with ia and cicinge ento respectively, both of them must be reflexive pronouns. Awakne co-refer with ia

and iba with cicinge ento.

nemen-in

av.love-app

loves

3sg

him/her’

3sg

‘(S)he

Cicing-e

dog-def

That

ento

that

dog

ngugut

av bite

bit

cicing-e

dog-def

that

ento

that

dog

nemen-in

av.love-app

loves

awake

self

him/her’

3sg

‘(S)he

(75)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

Cicing-e

Dog-def

That

ento

that

dog

ngugut

Av bite

bit

iba

self

isself

Now let us have a look at reflexive pronouns that occur in complex clauses ngorahang ‘say’ and nawang ‘know’.

Unlike (4) in which free pronoun cannot co-refer with noun phrase in its clause, in complex clause however, a

free pronoun such as ia can refer to a noun phrase or a pronoun in the higher clause. (5a) shows that the

reflexive pronoun awak can have its antecedent in its own clause. Awak cannot refer to Made, which is argument

of the matrix clause. However, ia in (5b) can be co-referential with Made. Being a free pronoun, ia is free in its

own clause. Thus, it cannot be refer to anake ento.

(5)

Made

Name

ngorahang

av say

anak-e ento

person-def

nusuk

stab

awak

self

Table 3: The properties of iba , ibane, and ibanne

.2 Awak, Awake, and Awakne

a. Awak

The form awak belongs to low register. As a reflexive pronoun, it co-refers to any person antecedent as seen in

(

12). (12a), awak refers to tiang, in (12b) to ia, and in (12c) to cai.

(

12) a.

Atiban tengah

One year half

For one year and a half

tiang

1sg

nyiksik

look for

have been looking for

awak

self

myself

ngantung

av hang

hang

awak

self

himself/herself

3sg

(S)he

Cai

sing

neg

cannot

bisa

aux

care

medalem

care for

for

awak

self

yourself

2sg

you

b. Awake

The reflexive pronoun awake is used only in imperative contexts as seen in (13). Like the other reflexive with

definite marker –(n)e, awake cannot be used in declarative context.

(76)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

(13) a.

Nah,

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

cening

kid

mai

come

paek-ang

awake

self 2

well

ov.close-cause

Well,

kid

come here

make yourself close

Cai

maek-ang

av come close-cause

awake

self

2sg

You

make yourself come closer

c.Awakne

Awakne is used for third person reflexive only as in (14a) and (14b).

(

14) a.

angob

proud

Is proud

teken

with

awakne

self3

himself

molesin

av paint

painted

awake

self3

herself/himself

3sg

(S)he

Awakne behaves in the same way as ibanne in that it is ambiguous. That is, it can have its antecedent in its

own clause and also outside its clause.

Table 4 summarizes the use of awak, awake, and awakne

Table 4: The properties of awak, awake, and awakne

5.3 Raga/ Ragane/ Raganne

a. Raga

Raga as a reflexive pronoun can take any nominal antecedent as seen in (15). In (15a) it refers to tiang ‘I’ and ida

‘

(s)he’. What is it with second person antecedent? Thus as observed above, using the same free pronoun

derived from the same common noun raga to co-occur with the reflexive pronoun raga is pragmatically

unacceptable as shown in (15b). The strategy to avoid this is to use the pure free high register pronoun which

is expressed by ‘ratu’ as seen in (15c).

(

15) a.

Tiang/ida

jagi

fut

will

nyuciang

av cleanse

cleanse

raga

self

1sg/ 3sg

I/(s)he

myself/himself/herself

(77)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

raga

nyuciang

av cleanse

cleansed

raga

self

yourself

3sg

You

Ratu

nyuciang

av cleanse

cleansed

raga

self

yourself

2sg

You

b. Ragane

As a reflexive pronoun, ragane is used for second person only and it is restricted to the imperative as shown in

16).

(

(16)a.

Mrikiang

ovcome-caus

ragane

self 2

sami

all

‘

Make yourself all closer here’

Ida

ngmriki-ang

av.come closer-Cause

ragane

self2

You make yourself come closer’

c. Raganne

Raganne which belongs to high register is used only for third person and it is the polite counterpart of

awakne (low register) as illustrated in (17a-b).

(

17) a.

Ida

S)he does not care of herself/ himself’

tan

neg

ngrunguang

Avcare of

raganne

self3

(

Ida

terus

keep

nyuciang

av cleans

raganne

self 3

(

S)he keeps cleansing herself/ himself’

The use of raga, ragane, and raganne can be depicted in Table 5

Table 5: The properties of raga, ragane, and raganne

5.4 Dewek, deweke, and dewekne

The forms dewek, deweke, and dewekne are generally used in literary contexts, so they are common in the

conversation of characters in novels and drama plays. They belong to the middle level.

(78)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

a. Dewek

As a reflexive pronoun, dewek can take any person as its antecedents. Note that dewek belonging to middle

(18)

Ipun /iang

mangkin

now

nyelsel

AVregret

teken

with

dewek

self

SG/ 1SG

‘(S)he now regrets herself/ himself/ I now regret with myself’

Jero

tan

NEG

madalem

AV care

dewek

self

‘

You do not care for yourself’

b. Deweke

The reflexive pronoun, deweke is used as a second person reflexive and it is only used in imperative

sentences.

(19) a.

Pageh-ang

strong-Cause

deweke

self2

‘

Make yourself strong’

NEG

keto-ang

that-Cause

deweke

self2

‘

Don’t make yourself like that?’

c. Dewekne

Dewekne is used as third person reflexive only as shown in (20a-b).).

(

20) a.

(S)he is conscious of herself/ himself’

inget

conscious

teken

with

dewekne

self3

‘

Made

Name

ngomog

AV talk

teken

with

dewekne

self3

‘

Made talked with himself’

Table 6 summarizes the use of dewek, deweke, and dewekne

Table 6: The properties of dewek, deweke, and dewekne

To conclude, Balinese is divided into morphologically simple and morphologically complex reflexives. The

former can refer to any person antecedents while the latter which takes definite marker –(n)e can only refer to

second person reflexives and can be always found in imperative clauses. The morphological reflexives that take

third person possessive suffix only refer to third person antecedent with ambiguous reading.

(79)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

.Intensifier

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

As noted above, the Balinese reflexive anaphors that take the possessive suffix –(n)ne such as ibanne, awakne,

raganne, and dewekne has ambiguous reading in that it can refer not only to the antecedent in its own clause

but also to that outside its clause. However, to avoid this, there is a strategy that can be applied by Balinese.

These morphological reflexives can take intensifier or emphatic reflexive ‘pedidi’ which is historically derived

from a common noun meaning ‘person’ (Stevens, and Schmidgall-Tellings, 2004).

Cross-linguistically, it has been observed that there is a correlation between intensifiers and reflexives. For

example, in a number of languages, intensifiers and reflexives are formally identical (Konig and Siemund, 2000).

The following Mandarin example illustrates this fact. (Ibid, 2000: 50). (21a) shows that ziji is used an intensifier

while (21b) indicates that the same form is used for a reflexive.

(21)

a. Ta ziji

hui lai

‘

He himself can come’

b. Zhangsan kanjian

ziji

‘

Zhangsan is looking at himself’

It is also noted that intensifiers agree with the feature of person, number, etc. of the entities they intensify. Thus,

in Balinese, intensifier is used as a strategy to block the morphologically complex reflexives that take third

person possessive from co-referring with the entity other than the one found in its clause. (22a) shows that the

intensifier pedidi copies the feature of number, person, etc. of the noun, Nyoman, which it intensifies. So who

will come must beNyoman not somebody else.

(

22) a.

Nyoman

He himself will come’

pedidi

himself

lakar

FUT

teka

come

‘

ngemati-ang

Av.dead-Cause

killed

awkane

self3

himself’

‘

Made

name

Made

ngemati-ang

Av.dead-Cause

killed

awakne

self3

himself’

‘

Ia / Made

ngmati-ang

Av-dead-Cause

killed

awakne/ibanne

self3

pedidi

himself

3Sg

He/Made

himself’

Ida

ng-madem-ang

AV-dead-Cause

killed

raganne

self3

himself’

pedidi

himself’

3Sg

‘

Ipun

ngmati-ang

Av-dead-Cause

killed

dewekne

self3

himself’

pedidi

himself

‘

As exemplified in the other section, the reflexive awakne in (22b) and (22c) are ambiguous in that awakne may

refer not only to ia and Made respectively, it may also refer to any other third person in the discourse. Like

(22a), the same effect applies to pedidi when taken by the complex reflexives as in (22d-f). That is, the intensifier

(80)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

pedidi makes the relevant reflexives refer only to the antecedent found in its own clause due to the fact that the

intensifier copies all the features of the antecedent in its own clause thus ambiguous reading is blocked. For

example, pedidi in (22b) copies all the semantic features of ia; so awakne/ ibanne must only refer to ia.

Note that ambiguity only occurs with the reflexive anaphors that have third person possessive marker -(n)ne, it

cannot occur with the other reflexives. Thus if the other reflexives take the intensifier pedidi, it is only optional

as seen in (23)

(23)

ngemati-ang

AVdead-CAUSE

killed

awak

(himself)

(pedidi)

‘

self

himself’

. Balinese Reflexives Compared with Other Languages Having Speech Level

As examined above, Balinese has elaborate free pronouns. The kinds of pronouns that exist in the language are

in line with the social stratification. That is to say, just as the caste system that has been inherited by the

Balinese is sub-divided into high, middle, and low caste, so is the language divided into three speech levels:

the high register, the middle, and the low register form . In what follows, I will compare Balinese with the other

two Asian languages, Korean and Vietnamese, which also have speech levels. Typologically, the idea is to

know the properties of Balinese pronouns namely reflexive pronouns in comparison with languages that share

speech levels.

With Korean, as seen in Table 7, its pronouns are commonly divided into neutral ones (used when speaking to

equals or persons of the same age), and humble ones (used when speaking to somebody older or somebody

respected). Its reflexive is only expressed by one form, casin ‘self’ which is not distinguished for speech levels.

Korean pronouns together with their social constraints are displayed in Table 4

Table 7: Korean Pronoun

(81)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

With Vietnamese, elaborate use of register forms can be noticed with first person as seen in Table 8. Besides the

choice of first person in terms of formal, informal, and neutral form, it also distinguishes first person that can

include or exclude the addressee’s. In addition to this, it also uses a common noun meaning ‘body’ to address

first person intimate. However the common noun meaning ‘body’ is only limited to first person and is not

applicable to the person pronouns. Its second and third person pronouns are commonly distinguishable in

terms of the forms used when speaking to an inferior or to a senior. Its reflexive pronoun can be expressed either

by tu ‘self’ or minh ‘body’ or in combination of the two, not distinguishable with respect to speech levels.

Table 8. Vietnamese Pronoun

Given the comparison of Balinese with these two languages that share speech levels: Is Balinese typologically

unusual? The answer is yes for two reasons. First, Balinese has complexity of pronoun forms which are

distinguished in terms of speech levels (high, middle, and low registers), this complexity is added by the

adoption of common nouns meaning ‘body’ to its pronoun inventory. Thus Balinese has more intricate ways in

the discourse involving speech levels. Second, the reflexive forms are also equally typologically unusual in that

they are entirely derived from the common nouns meaning ‘body’ and they are also divided in terms of speech

levels; they consist of morphologically simple and complex form; morphologically complex reflexives with third

person possessive suffix can be long-distance bound; and the simple reflexives are locally-bound. Thus again,

the Balinese reflexives themselves also exhibit typologically unusual property in that they are not only reflexive

anaphors but they can also show logophoricity .

. Conclusion

In this paper, I examined the Balinese Reflexives. Reflexive pronouns in Balinese are categorized as analytic

reflexive markers as they constitute as separate element, not being bound to a verb or a noun. They are all

historically derived from common nouns meaning ‘body’. Morphologically speaking reflexive elements in Balinese

are categorized as simple reflexives: awak, raga, dewek, and iba; and complex reflexives: awake, awakne,

(82)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

ragane, raganne, deweke, dewekne, and ibane. As Balinese has speech levels, its lexical items are distinguished

in terms of low and high registers and some of them are typified as belonging to the middle register. Thus raga,

ragane, and raganne belong to the high register; dewek, deweke, and dewekne belong to the middle register;

and iba(ne), awak, awake, and awakne belong to the low register. Some of these pronouns can, in some

contexts, serve as free pronouns. The free pronouns derived from common nouns meaning ‘body’ are in

complementary distribution with the regular free pronouns. That is as free pronouns they commonly occupy the

subject position while as reflexive pronouns they commonly occupy the subject positions. Syntactically,

complementary distribution may be associated also with antecedent-reflexive pronoun relation. That is, the NP

subject is generally filled by ordinary pronouns, thus both the NP subject and the NP object are never filled by

the pronouns derived from words meaning ‘body’. The choice of lexical items is also crucial in reflexive

constructions. Because the antecedents and the reflexive pronouns refer to the same entity, both the NPs

occupying the subject and the object position (reflexive pronoun) must be lexical items coming from the same

speech level otherwise the resulting sentences are pragmatically unacceptable. The choice of verbs must also

be compatible with the choice of the NPs involved.

Balinese is typologically an unusual language, it behaves differently from languages that also have speech

levels. The data on Korean supports the fact that there are some similarities with the two languages. Basically,

the two languages observe the choice of the lexical items namely pronouns being used with respect to

addressee’s. The same is true in comparison with Vietnamese; Vietnamese also shares speech levels that are

marked by the different choices of pronouns when speaking to equals or to superiors. Balinese is quite different

from both Korean and Vietnamese in that it has a complex range of pronouns that are divided into high, middle,

and low registers. The words, meaning ‘body’, are also adopted as free pronouns that also extend to their use

as reflexive pronouns. The two languages Korean and Vietnamese namely Korean do not make extensive use of

common nouns meaning ‘body’ both in their regular pronoun reflexive pronoun inventories and the combination

of these with speech levels. This confirms Balinese is typologically unusual in comparison with the two languages.

References :

Anandakusuma, Sri Reshi. 1986. Kamus Bahasa Bali: Bali – Indonesia, Indonesia – Bali. Denpasar: CV

Kayumas Agung.

Arka, I Wayan. 2003. Balinese Morphosyntax: A Lexical-Functional Approach. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics

Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, the Australian National University.

Bresnan, Joan. 2001. Lexical-Functional Syntax. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.

Comrie, Bernard. 1989. Language Universlas and Linguistic Typology. Chicago: The University of Chicago

Press.

Croft, William. 1990. Typology and Universals. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Geniusiene, Emma. 1987. The Typology of Reflexives. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter

Park, Sung-Hyuk. 1985. Pronominal and Anaphoric Elements in Korean. PhD Dissertation, The University

of Texas at Austin.

Payne, Thomas E., 1997. Describing Morphosyntax: A Guide for Field Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

(83)

International Peer-Reviewed Journal

RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017

Sidakarya, I Wayan. 1995. Syntactic Roles and Constituent Order in Balinese. MA Thesis The University

of Oregon.

Keenan, Edward L and Bernard Comrie 1977. ‘Noun Phrase Accessibility and Universal Grammar’.

Linguistic Inquiry (8): 63-99

Koning, Ekkehard and Peter Siemund. 2000. ‘Intensifiers and Reflexives’ in Reflexives: Forms and

Functions. Frajzyngier, Zygmut and Traci S. Curl (eds.). (40): 41 – 74.

Kuno, Susumu. 1987. Functional Syntax: Anaphora, Discourse, and Emphaty. Chicago: Chicago

University Press.

Levinson, Stephenson C. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Reuland, Eric. 2000. ‘The Fine Structure Grammar’ in Reflexives: Forms and Functions.Frajzyngier, Zygmut

and Traci S. Curl (eds.).(40): 1 – 40

Stevens, Alan M. and A. Ed. Schmidgall-Telllings. 2004. A Comprehensive Indonesian-English

Dictionary. Athens: Ohio University Press.

http://dspace.wul.waseda.ac.jp/dspace/bitstream/2065/12069/1/PACLIC12-10-19.pdf

Abbreviations used in this paper

NEG = negation, AV= agentive-focus verb; OV = objective focus verb; 1SG= first person singular; 2SG =

second person singular; 3SG = third person singular; TOP = topic, ACC = accusative, REFL =

reflexive; AUX= auxiliary; RM = reflexive marker; CAUSE = causative; POSS = possessor; DEF =

definite; QW = question word; FUT = future; LOC = locative; RESP = respected; INT= intimate;

HON= honorific; NEUT = neutral

Lecturer, Faculty of Arts, University of Udayana, Bali-Indonesia. Email:

(84)