Magazine 2017
International Peer-Reviewed Journal
RESEARCH HORIZONS, VOL. 7 SEPT. 2017
FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE HARMONIOUS
CROSS-MARRIAGES
BETWEEN THE BALINESE AND THE CHINESE IN BALI
*
Ni Luh Sutjiati Beratha
Ni Wayan Sukarini
I Made Rajeg
*
*
ABSTRACT
Chinese and Balinese are two different ethnicities. Many Chinese people participate in the local Desa
Pakraman in Bali which constitutes the social identity of the Balinese people. It can be assumed that the
strong relations between the two are based on ethnic stereotypes, i.e. their subjective view about their
ethnicity. This article discusses the stereotypes of both ethnic groups with regard to the occurrences of
cross-marriages and togetherness of the two different ethnic groups in the Desa Pakraman in Bali. The
results of the analysis indicate that ethnic stereotyping in relation to the cross-marriages and togetherness
between Balinese and Chinese in the Desa Pakraman is based on certain views shaped by both of them.
The views include consideration of physical features (beautiful, handsome), economic aspect, attitude,
and social behaviour. In choosing a future husband or wife, they always have physical orientations, i.e.
whether she is beautiful or he is handsome. However, if their physical orientations do not match, values
of other aspects (economy, religion, and attitude) are taken into consideration so that cross-marriages
between the two different ethnic groups takes place. It is interesting to note that in terms of their
togetherness in the Desa Pakraman, both the Balinese and Chinese have certain reasons to preserve
such a condition as part of their traditions inherited from their ancestors. They thought that although they
belong to different ethnicities, they still feel that they belong to one ‘family’. This is quite possible
because they are an advocate to Buddhism which has several similarities to the Balinese Hinduism which
is the main religion of the majority of people in Bali.
Keywords : stereotypes, cross-marriage.
1
. Introduction
The relations between the Chinese and Balinese people in Bali have for long been a conspicuous situation
without problems, and even ones showing relative harmony. This condition is quite in accordance with the
motto of Indonesia, i.e Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (unity in diversity) whereby laws have been established to put all
citizens on an equal footing. In fact, there are many crossed-marriages between the two ethnic groups and
many Chinese people do become members of the local Desa Pakraman in Bali (Wirata, 2000; Ardika, 2006).
Desa Pakraman is well known as the social identity of the Balinese. Of course, Chinese people have their own
culture as a symbol of identity, as well. Therefore, it could be assumed that there should be various things that
underlie the decision of a crossed-marriage between the Balinese and Chinese and for the Chinese to enter into
the Desa Pakraman membership.
According to Koentjaraningrat (1982), there are some reasons behind the marriage between Balinese and
Chinese and behind the Chinese participation as members of the Desa Pakraman. Ethnic stereotyping is a kind
of subjective description of the Chinese by the Balinese and subjective description of the Balinese by the
Chinese. Based on these allegations, the Chinese’s view of the Balinese, and the Balinese’s view of the Chinese,
especially in the context of the crossed-marriages and togetherness in the Desa Pakraman are interesting to
discuss.
With regard to marriage, Koentjaraningrat (1980: 90) states that it serves many functions both culturally and
socially, namely that it 1) regulates sex, 2) gives protection to children born through the marriage, 3) meets the
need of a friend’s life, wealth, prestige, increased class society, and 4) maintains good relations between
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groups - a particular kind of group. Referring to this, then it is conceivable that people will not choose their
partners at random, but under a full consideration and careful assessment, and hopefully still within the context
of those functions of such marriages. If the various functions of marriage are examined in more detail, it can be
predicted that the focus of attention in choosing a prospective wife/husband is primarily on physical aspects,
the economy, social standing, and culture. In terms of its relation, the priority in the choice is as follows: the
beauty or good looks, the economic ability, religion, social status, attitudes, and behaviour.
In the context of the participation of the Chinese as members of the Desa Pakraman in the villages, there is a
strong indication that Chinese and the Balinese share a common social interest, namely membership to the
same Desa Pakraman. Without such an interest, it is difficult to imagine that the Chinese will become such
members because their participation will result in a number of obligations to fulfil materially and immaterially,
money and good as well as service to the Desa Pakraman. On the other hand, it is also hard to imagine that the
Balinese accept the Chinese to become members of the Desa Pakraman without seeing a good prospect in
their participation. With regard to this, Susanto (1985:37-38), says that a group is formed because there are
expectations on the part of the members; and one of human needs is the need to be psychologically secure
through membership in the group, where they are considered to be ‘refugee’ and therefore must feel safe.
Based on the theory developed by Anderson and Parker as discussed by Susanto (1985:52), a group is the
unity of ecology that is formed due to the accumulation of people who occupy certain areas, for a long enough
period and therefore share certain experience as a result of their integration through economic and social
relations.
Based on those facts, this article would discuss two main points. First, the description of characteristics of the
Balinese as stereotyped by the Chinese and of the typical Chinese characteristics as perceived by the Balinese,
i.e. perception resulting from cross-marriages between the Balinese and Chinese. Second, the description of
the characteristics of the Balinese as stereotyped by the Chinese and of the typical Chinese characteristics
perceived by the Balinese which contributes to their willingness to be members of the same Desa Pakraman.
2
. Results and Discussion
The results of this study indicate that historically, crossed-marriage between the Chinese and the Balinese and
their common participation in the Desa Pakraman have occurred since ancient times. Among the Chinese
found in this study, none is full-blooded Chinese, all being half-blood Chinese. The phenomenon can only be
explained in terms of the history of the Chinese community in Bali.
2
.1 Cross-Marriages between the Balinese and the Chinese
Based on the information collected from the informant, there are five factors affecting the cross-marriage between
the Balinese and Chinese. The factors are: 1) physical factors (beauty and good looks), 2) socioeconomic, 3)
religion, 4) basic attitudes, and 5) social solidarity. The factors are taken into consideration when choosing a
future husband and/or wife between the Balinese and Chinese. It should be noted that among these five factors,
the physical and economic ones are given relatively more weight in the assessment process in the framework
of decision making for mixed marriages. However, if the value of the physical and socio-economy of one party
is considered less commensurate with the determined value, the value of other factors are used as a compensation.
For example, one party subjectively considers the value of good looking higher than the other aspects. Thus,
the decision is made for performing a mixed marriage based on relative cumulative values achieved during the
assessment. Instances of various version of these mixed marriages are given below.
2
.1.1. A Less Beautiful Balinese Woman Married by A Charming Chinese Man
A Chinese man aged 39 years, olive skin tone, tall and sturdy who did not graduate from high school, working
as a trader and his religion is Buddhism married a 38-year-old Balinese woman with brown skin, relatively short,
graduated from senior high school, working as a trader and her religion is Hinduism. Seen from her physical
characteristics of that Balinese woman who becomes his wife is relatively less beautiful.
In reality, the mixed marriage was based on the assessment and consideration of several things. The Chinese
man was willing to marry the Balinese woman that is considered less commensurate with his good look because
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he is a widower with two children, while the Balinese woman was willing to marry him because the man is
handsome, i.e. more than the assessed value of hers. In addition, they have similar professions. The man is
working in various fields of economy both as employee and the owner of a company and the woman is a
trader. After the marriage, they both run the economic enterprises of the wife. This is clearly a reflection of the
husband’s attitudes and behaviours that signal the social solidarity of his wife.
In addition, there is a degree of similarity between Buddhism and Hinduism which serve as an important
background of the cross-marriage. Such married couples feel that Buddhists and Hindus perform religious
rituals in a very similar way, both Buddhists and Hindus believe in ancestor worship. Therefore, the existing
difference between the two religions is not a hindrance but rather a driving force for their marriage. Both
Balinese and Chinese hold the philosophy of life of the local genius known as sagilik, saguluk, paras paros
sarpanaya, salungsung subayantaka that reflects solidarity and tolerance. The expressions are strongly in
accordance with the Buddhist doctrine of Tat Twamasi ‘that you are’. ‘You’ in this case can be taken to mean
‘you’ and ‘I’, i.e. the inclusive ‘we’, the listener and the speaker. The idea of ‘that you are’ bring an understanding
of “if you hurt that it means, you hurt yourself”. Therefore, “love that in order to love yourself”. This philosophy
underlies the basic attitude of the Balinese and ensures the Chinese to feel secure living together with the
Balinese rather than with other ethnic groups. It also makes the communication between the Balinese and
Chinese runs smoothly. In addition, both the Balinese and the Chinese believe in Ahimsa ‘non-violence’. The
essence of this teaching is harmonic or/and peace in life. The strong impetus to the domain of religion also
supports the assumption that there is no problem in the case of the Buddha and Hindu in consuming a certain
food. For example, both do not abstinence in consuming pork and all types of food.
2
.1.2. A Less Handsome Chinese Man Married with A Balinese Beautiful Woman
The Balinese woman aged 41 years who was graduated from high school is a Hindu, working as a
businesswoman. She sells various kinds of clothes on the land of her husband’s family. The man who is a 48-
year-old, the husband also graduated from high school, and now has a regular job. He is Buddhist, the
physical posture of this woman seems to fit her own assessment by saying that she is very beautiful and even
claimed herself as an angel descent from Giri Putri Cave located on the island of Nusa Penida, an island which
is part of the Klungkung regency. The husband also admitted, and even stated, that his wife’s ability is so much
better than his, but he could not specify concretely the benefits she carries to their married life.
During courtship, this woman had got no job yet and claimed that she was very secluded, her activities being
restricted by all members of the family. While the man who became her boy friend, (now her husband) worked
as a daily worker in a fishing boat. This woman claimed that she would marry the man who was much older than
her (closed to 7 years older than her) for the reason that the man has large tracts of land around the port of
Padangbai. That area is considered to have a high selling price and is highly suitable as a place to open the
trading centre. He further said that he loved her deeply and he even dared to face the tough challenge from her
family who threatened him with a weapon and indeed was hit by the prospective in-laws because he was
discovered when being together in one place with her. He admitted that he was ready to die if another man
married his beautiful dream woman. This means that she wanted to marry the man mainly because of economic
factors and the true attitude inherent in the man.
Associated with religious affiliation, both the man and the woman stated that there is no significant problem,
especially when the wife had converted from Hinduism to Buddhism. As mentioned before, in practice there are
similarities between Hinduism and Buddhism, both being of the same faith in terms of ancestor worship. For
example: when they worship, the media for praying consist of flowers, food and incense. The prayers are
conducted in the morning, afternoon, and evening, all directed to the ancestors. The Chinese do the worship at
their Konco, and the Balinese do it at their family Shrines (or Sanggah Kemulan). Both Konco and Sanggah
Kemulan are the Shrines for the manifestation of the ancestors of both Chinese and Balinese. In fact, now, the
wife confessed she usually performs rituals according to Buddhist tradition prevailing in the husband’s family,
though she also prays at various temples, both in the village where they live now and outside the village. The
Balinese and Chinese people pray everywhere because of the philosophy of Wiyapi Wyapaka, which means
that ‘God is all present’. It is interesting to note when she admitted that every full moon she meditated at Giri
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Putri temple which is located at Giri Putri Cave. Upon this, the husband and all the family members never
worried about it, because there are similarities between Hinduism and Buddhism.
2
.1.3. The Marriage of A Wealthy Chinese Woman with A Less Wealthy Balinese Man
A Chinese woman in the eyes of a Balinese man is of high positive value due to the work ethic being held,
namely being industrious and resilient. This perception is expressed by an informant from Carangsari village. As
a descendant of an aristocratic family, he thinks that marriage with an own royal relative will only cause
homogeneity. This will generate such a character lacking in creativity and tenacity. These considerations seem
to be one of his motivations to marry a Chinese woman. Their Marriages did not get the necessary approval
from the family but despite this, the marriage went on and has given birth to 3 children now.
It is necessary to note, that the man now lives in the house of his wife’s family, not in the palace (Puri). Although
this condition seems to break the norm applicable for the Balinese Aristocrat (which is highly patriarchy in
character), yet it is still socially acceptable at Carangsari Village. If judged according to the forms of capitals
proposed by Bourdieu (1986), it appears that in this context the wife has the necessary cultural capital (because
of her having better educational qualification) and a better economic capital so that it can be accepted by the
husband even though he is a civil servant in Badung regency.
2
.1.4. The Marriage of A Less Wealthy Balinese Woman with A Wealthy Chinese Man
The information which is provided by a Balinese woman at Padangbai village is quite interesting to observe. It
seems that the marriage is much in concern of the family. At first, she would be married with her Balinese
relatives, but she decided to marry a Chinese husband although the physical aspect of the Chinese man is less
handsome. The marriage was motivated by family relationships and business. The woman initially helped his
aunt (Balinese) whose husband was of Chinese descendant to sell crops. Her aunt’s husband happened to be
the uncle of the groom. Thus, this marriage was inspired by the previous Balinese-Chinese inter-marriage, i.e.
the marriage between her aunts and the man of Chinese descent, which seems to have made their lives always
harmonious and successful.
Another example is a Balinese woman who is married to a man of Chinese descent at Padangbai. According to
this woman, three of her aunts were also married to men of Chinese descent, who were working in the restaurant
originally owned by her aunt where they met the men. The working relationship and marital history of the family
(of her aunt) seem to be one factor motivating the marriage of the Balinese women and Chinese men. Her aunt’s
family seems to have been used as a reference for Balinese women to marry a Chinese. On the other hand, the
economic capital of the Chinese men is apparently better than the women of Bali.
Such marriage cases as described above also occurred among the Balinese women and Chinese men at the
village of Padangbai. There are some similarities between them. First, their families (her aunt) married with men
of Chinese descent. It is used as a kind of reference or a role model on the part of both Balinese women.
Second, they were employed long enough in the Chinese family by her aunt, which served as a media to
understand Chinese culture. Third, viewed from the economic capital, the two Chinese men are much stronger
than the two Balinese women. In this context, cultural capital and economic capital owned by the Chinese men
seem to be a force or incentive for the Balinese women to marry Chinese men. It is interesting to note that in
terms of physical appearances and ages the two Balinese women are better (more beautiful) and younger than
their husbands.
2
.2 Togetherness through Common Participation in The Desa Pakraman
In the context of togetherness in the Desa Pakraman, both the Chinese and Balinese basically have their
respective goals and desires. Their daily lives are much connected to the life of Desa Pakraman, and this has
endured since the childhood until adulthood and has been going on for several generations. The informant said
that such togetherness is possible because the doctrine of Tat Twamasi in Hinduism is in accordance with the
life principles of the Chinese. Under this doctrine, the two ethnic groups agree that loving others is the same as
loving ourselves and likewise harming others is equal to hurting ourselves. Thus, their togetherness is deeply
rooted in religious values and traditions inherited from their ancestors. Hence, the goal and/or desire to preserve
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such paternal teachings and traditions that are empathetic and nuanced with this solidarity underlie their
togetherness in the daily lives including the lives at Desa Pakraman.
By examining the evidence more seriously, it appears that there are many facts indicating that each party’s
interests related to their togetherness in Desa Pakraman. The Balinese through the Desa Pakraman often accept
donations and material support from the Chinese individually and institutionally. Donations are usually deliberately
encouraged by the Balinese, but sometimes spontaneously done. The need for donation is usually associated
with the implementation of the rituals in a temple or with the renovation or construction of a village hall. This
means that Balinese people are much concern with materials that would be obtained free of charge from the
Chinese. They are really loyal and participative in all activities at Desa Pakraman. This is because Balinese
people are also considered as their own relatives and even be called nyama toko or semeton toko ‘relatives in
trade’. It is interesting to note that most of the Chinese in Bali are businesspeople who support their lives by
running shops. In addition, the Balinese always maintain the Hindu philosophy, called ‘Tri Kaya Parisuda’ ‘three
basic concepts of good and godly human behaviours, which include Manacika ‘to think well’, Wacika ‘to talk
well’, and Kayika ‘to behave well’’. The Chinese also feel that it is much easier for them to interact with the
Balinese than with other ethnic groups.
The Chinese who contribute in this regard are not only those who live in the village but also those who live in
outer-parts of the village, or in other the countries and have relatives in the village. It has been mentioned earlier
that the Chinese have adapted well to the Balinese. However, in order to perform religious ceremonies associated
with life cycles, the Chinese conduct such ritual in their own places of worship and they adopt or apply local
Buddhist tradition.
Another interesting case that needs to be mentioned is that the donations are given under the initiative of the
Chinese themselves. A group of Chinese hereditary maintains and finance the rehabilitation of a so-called Bale
Pawedan ‘a place for the priest to officiate the ritual service’ at a temple belonging to Desa Pakraman. In
addition, there is a group of Chinese who bear the entire cost for the tin roof of a Balai Wantilan ‘village hall’ of
the village. There is also the Chinese who donated several rolls of fabric, goats, pigs, sugar, rice, and tens,
hundreds or even millions of rupiahs for the implementation of rituals in the temple of Desa Pakraman.
In addition, according to the Chinese, the contributions were given as the forms of gratefulness, both to God
worshiped in the temple for blessings them with health and safety to the Desa Pakraman that has long encouraged
and/or invited their close relationship. Based on the philosophy known as Tri Hita Karana ‘Three main causes for
prosperities’, namely mutual respect to God, environment, and human, i.e. a balance or harmony between
human and God, environment, and another human. Both the Balinese and Chinese believe in this concept.
Thus, Balinese, in this case, means the Chinese donation as a token of solidarity with the Chinese tradition. It
should be noted however, that the Chinese interpret to signify donation of gratitude and thanks to the Gods as
well as a form of gratitude to the Balinese and to the surroundings.
According to Habermas (Thompson, 2007), such actions are taken by the Balinese and Chinese in terms of
tune-donate could be categorised as instrumental actions. That is, the Balinese use Desa Pakraman as a tool to
meet their needs to get donations for purchasing various facilities for the Desa Pakraman which is established
a symbol of the identity of the Balinese themselves. By borrowing the capital concepts as proposed by Bourdieu
(
1986), it appears that the Balinese use Desa Pakraman as capital gain i.e. to strengthen the contribution of
capital of Desa Pakraman. However, the Chinese use his properties as tools to meet their needs, namely the
need for security, safety and even the need for fortune, event in the form of land. By obtaining this material, the
Chinese were granted the land by the Desa Pakraman or by the Puri ‘the royal palace’ to be used as the local
cemetery, a place of worship (Konco). There are even lots of Chinese families who are granted land for settlement.
Therefore, this can also be categorised as economic capital used as a tool for building social capital (security)
and cultural capital (the burial place and a place of worship).
3
. Conclusions
Crossed-marriages between the Balinese and Chinese in Bali are motivated by at least five factors of lives that
are taken into consideration in the decision-making process. The factors are physical (beauty and good looks),
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socioeconomic, religion, principal attitudes and social solidarity. Among the factors, beauty/good look and
socioeconomic conditions are the priority factors. However, if the results of the assessment of the parties
concerned do not match, the values of other factors are used as a compensation in the framework of decision-
making for marriage.
Togetherness on the part of the Balinese and Chinese in Desa Pakraman is guaranteed by the willingness of
both parties to preserve the traditions inherited from their ancestors who had since a long time ago been
practicing crossed-marriages and togetherness through common participation and interest. There are some
similarities between Hinduism and Buddhism in performing religious rituals and in the belief in ancestor worship
which serves as the background of their marriages. In addition, it seems that each ethnic group has interests at
Desa Pakraman. On the one hand, The Balinese is interested in gaining support from the Chinese to strengthen
the Desa Pakraman as a cultural capital and a symbol of their identity. On the other hand, the Chinese want to
gain the support of the people of Bali to get a sense of security and land for shelter, cemetery, and a place of
worship as well as cultural capital as a symbol of their identity. In the case of supporting each other, it seems
that the Balinese use the Desa Pakraman as tools to gain support from the Chinese, whereas the Chinese
interpret this as social capital as well as the cultural capital obtained by using the economic capital in the form
of money and goods donated to Desa Pakraman. In this context, it seems that the Chinese keep maintaining
their existence at Desa Pakraman.
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*
Lecturers, Faculty of Arts, University of Udayana, Bali-Indonesia. Email:[email protected]
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